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Indonesia Feminist Theory and Practices

Month

March 2007

A Woman Concept of The Oppressed

A Woman Concept of The Oppressed

      Though it was already familiar that a woman is a gender being, and of a female other than male, a man. As gender being, it is academically accepted as part of concensus among feminist, that woman embedded with social construction. In Indonesia the term of woman is perempuan. But due to different understanding about the concept as a gender-being as term of woman, and a biological being as female, Indonesian feminist still using woman-perempuan to opposed women’s constructed patriarchal as woman, not a female. While in reality, word of perempuan continuously use by feminist to promote women’s awareness and progressiveness against patriarchy. I guess, within this term, I will use woman-perempuan as term of human creature who is oppressed/marginalized as a concept, as well as reality and a symbol of the ultimate word “the oppressed”, and this woman is struggle to get away with the oppression condition to become aware, of their rights by using feminism as a weapon and tool. While female, wanita or betina as a female creature is not yet have the ability to understand that they are being oppressed, and most of them still using patriarchal constructed to female creature for their ‘benefit’. Within this context the wanita, or betina is not only could adopt patriarchal role of being male-man and being female, they seem to not wanting to get away with the constructed condition by patriarchal system. So perempuan has internal meaning within the word as awareness of being oppress and has power within to claim perempuan to be able to empower themselves.

 

Wanita or betina has the body exactly the same as woman but somehow they do not have consciousness as a woman. It was a woman, who for the first time of their being ‘born’ that society called them woman because of their significant female-genitalia. The society trapped and constructed female to be a woman (the ultimate oppressed creature), than it is only a rational to deconstruct a woman to be free woman and the same as other human creature (deconstructed man).

 

I will not use psychological analytic to brought the issue of woman as the oppressed. I will use sociological facts and historical facts as main argument of how in Indonesia activist, journalist, mostly women still confuse about the acceptance concept of women as the oppressed. It was due to the real condition in our society that there are many ‘female’ wanita are involved or even the perpetuator of patriarchal system of which cause women, men, and children suffered.

 

One of feminists even argued that women could not become agent of peace, because there are female who actively involved in conflict makers. Within this terms she reject a concept of binary opposition that women and men, as victims of violence and actors. Of course we could not use binary opposition, that is why I proposed fourth opposition, of which woman as the oppressed, other part of the oppressors. It is strongly necessary to identify who are the ‘enemy’ and who are the ‘friends’ in the context to deconstructed patriarchal system that created social distinction and limitation to female and male.

 

Perempuan dan Wanita?

Bedanya?

Kalau perempuan yang ingin menjadikan dirinya merdeka dan orang lain merdeka?

 

 

 

Perempuan

Wanita

Role Play

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Susan Mausart, WIFEWORK what marriage really means for women

Judul : WIFEWORK

what marriage really means for women

Pengarang : Susan Maushart,

Penerbit : The Text Publising Company Melbourne: 2001

Halaman : 269

 

‘The ploretarian is dead, long life the housewife’ (Claudia von Werlhof)

 

Perkawinan adalah artefak yang terus menerus di adopsi untuk kelangsungan hidup manusia. Ia tidak sekedar institusi, tetapi salah satu strategi yang untuk mempertahankan keturunan, keberlangsungan hidup manusia. Klise kelihatannya, tapi Susan Maushart dengan bukunya yang sangat personal dan buka-bukaan, kadang berlebihan, berhasil mengelitik kesadaran dan perasaan pembaca. Membuat tersenyum dan mengerutkan kening. Sebagai buku yang juga memaparkan berbagai hasil penilitian soal keluarga, bergaya bahasa Autralian-English, dan tutur yang lugas seadanya, Ia berhasil menanamkan pemikiran dilematis dan tajam. Beberapa faktanya juga diangkat memakai analogi, kadang nyambung kadang tidak, tapi tetap relevan dengan keseluruhan makna yang coba disampaikan. Terutama sekali dalam konteks masyarakat berbahasa Inggris (Canada, Amerika Serikat, Inggris dan Australia) sebagai rujukan. Buku ini tentang mereka, bukan Indonesia yang punya pembantu rumah tangga, bukan pula negara Skandinavia yang punya peraturan negara soal keluarga. Korelasi perempuan dan laki-laki serta, pekerjaan rumah tangga istri (yang tak dibayar – wifework) dan perkawinan dibedah dalam buku ini. Mengapa perempuan mau menikah dan masuk ke institusi dengan konsekwensi wifework dihadapannya. Memuat serangkaian kegelisahan, kebimbangan psikologis dan ekonomi perempuan kelas menengah yang juga bekerja. Menghadirkan Antiklimaks, dibuka dengan menguraikan fakta dan asumsi pandangan ‘mengerikan’ negatif tentang perkawinan, diakhiri dengan harapan perkawinan bagi kelangsungan hidup manusia dan kebahagiaannya. Tak lupa menyajikan realita dengan bumbu-bumbu gaya bahasa populer–yang agak berlebihan. Karena biasanya untuk tulisan ilmiah, kesan, dan imbuhan bermakna opini jarang ditambahkan, buku ini cukup banyak memakainya. Seperti…OK.OK Enough Already…atau mind you..,seakan menjawab kegusaran pembaca karena panjangnya cerita pengalaman pribadi yang ditulis di halaman 30. Penulisnya sendiri pernah menikah dua kali, bercerai dua kali dan menjadi orang tua tunggal buat tiga orang anak.

 

Perkawinan

 

Perkawinan monogami, menjadi lembaga tujuan hidup perempuan, paling tidak fase baru pengalaman hidup perempuan dan menjadi tempat berlindungnya. Tapi sebaliknya, itu pun lebih merupakan harapan ideal perempuan tentang perkawinan. Pada realitasnya, hasil penelitian memperlihatkan perempuan menjadi lebih tidak bahagia, 80% pengajuan cerai dilakukan oleh perempuan (hal.123 ). Lebih lanjut, penelitian juga melukiskan kontinuitas dan bertambahnya wifework (apabila punya anak) dalam perkawinan, tetapi semakin berkurangnya wifework saat bercerai (tak menikah, tetap lajang)dan laki-laki menjadi lebih bahagia dengan menikah, lebih terurus, serta kehidupan seksnya lebih baik.

 

Ada banyak pergeseran tentang konsep perkawinan, terutama pada makna istri, menunjukkan adanya perubahan yang signifikan pada perempuan melihat perkawinan, tetapi tidak pada laki-laki. Jadi ada yang tetap dan ada yang bergeser. Kebutuhan perempuan dan laki-laki untuk menikah. Laki-laki lebih konservatif menilai perkawinan. Fakta dan data provokatif menguak kegelisahan yang amat sangat perempuan menikah. Sepertinya perempuan Indonesia tidak sedahysat pengalaman saudarinya di negara tersebut di atas, meskipun tentunya Pseudomutuality-nya tetap ada. Suatu situasi di mana sesungguhnya ada ketidak cocokan (terutama pada perempuan), tetapi keduanya tetap menahan diri untuk perkawinan dan berpura-pura saling membagi secara egaliter, padahal tetap saja peran yang stereotip gender ada di dalamnya.(hal.22). Perubahan yang cepat atas kondisi dan status perempuan dibanding ratusan tahun lalu, tidak diimbangi oleh perubahan pihak laki-laki tentang perkawinan, telah menyebabkan perempuan sulit bahagia. Karena ternyata hasil penelitian membuktikan institusi perkawinanlah, ranah kehidupan yang belum beranjak untuk melakukan perubahan pola ketidak adilan gender. Division of emotional labor, perempuan harus menjadi “istri” dengan jobdeskripsi tersulit menjadi “Relationship Manager”, penjaga harmonisasi rumah tangga, bagian dari full-time job(hal16)

Bagaimana pun perkawinan adalah suatu lembaga kompromi antara perempuan dan laki-laki. Ada tiga stake holder di perkawinan bila ada anak. Suami-Istri-Anak. Pada akhirnya secara struktural ada tiga peran stakeholder ..the result is a role structure which benefit men enormously, children adequately, and women insufficiently (hal.14) Orang menikah dan membentuk keluarga untuk berketurunan. Atau sederhananya, Susan Maushart menyatakan, bahwa laki-laki menikah dan punya anak maka ia akan punya Certificate of Ownership sedangkan perempuan punya Contents Insurance (hal.42) Dalam kondisi masyarakat umum di mana pun, perkawinan dicoba untuk dipertahankan demi anak. Bagi perempuan, sesungguhnya kehadiran anak juga merupakan kerja tambahan, dan untuk pekerjaan ini ia butuh pendukung, suami. Pekerjaan mengurus anak adalah tuntutan moral pada istri, tidak pada suami. Berbeda dengan binatang mamalia yang setelah lahir cepat mandiri, anak manusia membutuhkan bimbingan lama. Ini pulalah yang membuat perempuan sulit untuk membesarkan anak tanpa dukungan pihak lain. Mungkin saja seorang laki-laki juga mengasuh anak, tetapi mengasuh anak tak pernah menjadi job deskripsi laki-laki saat menjadi suami, sama sepertihalnya, menjadi pencari nafkah tak pernah masuk jobdesk perempuan saat menjadi istri. Meski kadangkala keduanya mungkin melakukan keduanya, tapi faktanya menunjukkan perempuan karena gendernya, melakukan pekerjaan rumah tangga atau second shift bagi perempuan juga bekerja di luar rumah, lebih banyak dibanding lelaki.

 

Mengapa Perempuan Menikah

 

Perempuan menikah dan memasuki perkawinan monogami, karena empat alasan kebutuhan; reproduksi, ekonomi, sosial dan psyko-seksual. Agar bisa membesarkan anak, agar bisa mendapat kestabilan ekonomi, agar bisa mendapat identitas sebagai orang dewasa di komunitas dan agar mendapat pengalaman cinta dan berpasangan.(hal.60) Prioritas dari ke empat itu kini berubah. Kadang kala, tanpa menikah pun perempuan bisa mendapatkannya. Laki-laki menikah untuk hal yang sama untuk menjaga dan mengetahui keturunannya, mendapat pelayanan seksual, sosial, emosional dan pisikal dari perempuan. Penelitian tentang perempuan dan laki-laki lajang menunjukkan, bahwa perempuan tidak terlalu lagi menganggap penting perkawinan. Bahwa perkawinan masih menjadi penting bagi perempuan adalah karena anak. Mempunyai anak, penelitian menunjukkan hanya 11% dari pasangan subur yang tak memiliki anak (hal 36). Bagi perempuan tentu saja penting untuk menikah dan punya anak, karena mulai dari menyusui hingga umur tertentu masih memerlukan perhatian ibu, dan ini perlu bantuan orang lain pula, suami. Sederhananya, perempuan …want a mate to protect and provision them and their offspring—at least until those offspring are off their hands (hal.36). Untuk memperoleh hal ini perempuan harus membayar dengan harga, kehilangan otonomi seksualnya, kehilangan garis keturunannya sendiri, bahkan terputusnya tali solidaritas dengan perempuan lain.

Bagaimana pun perkawinan adalah suatu yang hanya bisa dihasilkan dari interdependensi, maka itu monogami adalah pilihannya. Sementara bagi perempuan monogami juga menolongnya tidak menghadapi terus menerus melahirkan, dan mengalami penderitaan persalinan. Tentunya alasan ekonomi, psiko-seksual tetap menjadi penting. Karena hingga hari ini pun, perempuan masih mencari laki-laki idaman sebagai suami minimal dengan penghasilan yang lebih tinggi apabila tidak intelektualitasnya. Sepertinya perempuan pun sudah tahu konsekwensi yang dibayar untuk keamanan yang di dapat dalam perkawinan, yaitu menjadi wife-istri dengan sejumlah jobdeskripsinya. Situasi pembagian peran berdasarkan gender yang menempatkan perempuan yang tidak berubah sejak berabad-abad lamanya.

 

Pekerjaan Rumah Tangga = Gender

 

Sistem patriarki telah melekatkan pembagian maskulin dan feminin dalam penguasaan dua jenis kelamin. Maskulin pada laki-laki dan feminin pada perempuan. Ada benarnya apabila itu menyangkut takdir melahirkan, tapi pada kenyataannya konstruksi sosial telah menjadikan maskulin menguasai feminin. Tidak sulit untuk menemukan species yang berciri penguasaan jantan atas betina.

 

Seperti halnya disebutkan di atas, mengapa perempuan menikah, laki-laki pun melakukan perkawinan monogami, untuk berketurunan, sebutlah …it’s the ncxt best thing to having a womb of one’s own (hal. Di sinilah mulai pembagian kerja berdasar gender, feminin maskulin di rumah tangga. Sewaktu perempuan melahirkan, serta menyusui dan mengasuh anak—waktunya panjang, dibanding mamalia lain, maka laki-laki mencari uang, ke luar rumah, providing needs, menjaga agar anak dan istri tidak di mangsa mahluk lain. Hal ini kemudian secara terus menerus dijadikan sebagai hal yang natural-alamiah, padahal itu konstruksi sosial. Konstruksi sosial yang terus menerus diadopsi karena masih diperlukan. Problemnya dalam pembagian ini perempuan mengurus rumah dan terus melakukan rutinitas, dunia berubah dan berkembang. Equal opportunity di mana-mana, perempuan sudah bekerja di luar rumah, bahkan jadi presiden dan perdana mentri, tapi peran wife tetap saja ada dan sama. Perempuan sudah jadi presiden dan pergi ke bulan, tetap saja sdi rumah ada peran gender yang tak terbongkar.

 

Perempuan, kadangkala juga harus menjadi ibu-mother, bila punya anak. Suatu yang apabila terjadi equal sharing untuk mengurus anak, seharusnya tak ada lagi kesalahan di timpakan pada ibu, apabila ada sesuatu terjadi pada anak, termasuk bercerai. Akan tetapi, tanggung jawab moral terhadap anak, lebih dibebankan pada ibu. Apabila laki-laki mengurus anak, atau melakukan pekerjaan rumah tangga maka ia dipuji, sementara perempuan, taken for granted karena itu sudah menjadi peran gender-nya. Meskipun kehadiran ayah tak terlalu memberikan kontribusi bagi anak, bahkan sebaliknya menurut penelitian kehadiran anak yang memberikan pengaruh baik bagi ayah, tetap saja, perempuan membutuhkan equal sharing, untuk meringankan beban emosional dan kerja. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan adanya equal sharing memberi kebahagiaan pada perempuan, ternyata malah membuat laki kurang bahagia.

 

Bagaimana pun pembagian gender dalam rumah tangga masih kentara hingga kini. Perempuan masih sulit menolaknya, Wifework, barter antara perempuan dan laki-laki, atau sogokan agar laki-laki tetap tetap terikat padanya (hal.35). Bagi perempuan wifework, mau tidak mau dihadapinya, sebagai unwritten contract into which woman enters upon marriage.The job description most uof us were determined would never apply to us(hal.17) Wifework adalah kompromi terbesar perempuan dalam perkawinan, inilah salah satu bentuk gender yang belum berhasil dibongkar, ketika di hampir semua ranah hidup publik sudah berubah, justru di dalam rumah tangga belum beranjak. Serangkaian pekerjaan yang dilakukan banyak perempuan dalam perkawinan. Ada banyak contoh yang dituliskan dalam jobdeskripsinya seperti melalukan pekerjaan rumah tangga dengan tak dibayar, menjaga kestabilan emosi suami (mulai dari menyiapkan celana dalam hingga kehidupan sosial), menjaga kebutuhan intimasinya (termasuk jadwal libidonya), menjaga dan mengurus anak serta membuat rumah tempat yang enak dan nyaman buat seluruh keluarga…dan lain-lain.

 

Jelas sekali bahwa perkawinan sulit memberikan suatu alternatif yang akan membawa perempuan pada kebahagiaan. Karena, masyarakat mengkonstruksi bahwa kebahagiaan dan cinta seorang perempuan adalah diwujudkan pada saat ia menyenangkan orang lain. …women are expected to find their primary gratification through the gratification of other… (hal 55) Nah apakah perempuan berani menyanggahnya atau kah memang tetap dalam konstruksi itu. Penulis menutup buku dengan harapan”,..Marriage must be made to serve wives at least s much as wives serve marriage, if women are to be induced to participate in it…When our words and our deeds are no longer two but one—as partners in marriage are meant to be—we’ll know we have succeed.(hal.239)

 

 

Umi Lasmina

 

Penulis, pemerhati musik, women’s studies, dan astrologi

 

 

 

By Vandana Shiva,Economic globalization has become a war against nature and the poor.

GLOBALIZATION

AND POVERTY

   

Economic globalization has become a war against nature and the poor.

by Vandana Shiva

RECENTLY, I WAS visiting Bhatinda in
Punjab because of an epidemic of farmers’ suicides. Punjab used to be the most prosperous agricultural region in
India. Today every farmer is in debt and despair. Vast stretches of land have become waterlogged desert. And, as an old farmer pointed out, even the trees have stopped bearing fruit because heavy use of pesticides has killed the pollinators — the bees and butterflies.

And
Punjab is not alone in experiencing this ecological and social disaster. Last year I was in
Warangal, Andhra Pradesh, where farmers have also been committing suicide. Farmers who traditionally grew pulses and millets and paddy have been lured by seed companies to buy hybrid cotton seeds referred to as “white gold”, which were supposed to make them millionaires. Instead they became paupers.

  Their native seeds have been displaced with new hybrids which cannot be saved and need to be purchased every year at a high cost. Hybrids are also very vulnerable to pest attacks. Spending on pesticides in
Warangal has increased 2,000 per cent from $2.5 million in the 1980s to £50 million in 1997. Now farmers are consuming the same pesticides as a way of killing themselves so that they can escape permanently from unpayable debt.
 

The corporations are now trying to introduce genetically engineered seed, which will further increase costs and ecological risks. That is why farmers like Malla Reddy of the Andhra Pradesh Farmers’ Union had uprooted Monsanto’s genetically engineered Bollgard cotton in
Warangal.

On March 27th, twenty-five-year-old Betavati Ratan took his life because he could not pay back debts for drilling a deep tube well on his two-acre farm. The wells are now dry, as are the wells in
Gujarat and Rajasthan where more than 50 million people face a water famine.

The drought is not a “natural disaster”. It is “man-made”. It is the result of mining of scarce ground water in arid regions to grow thirsty cash crops for export instead of water-prudent food crops for local needs.

It is experiences such as these which tell me that we are so wrong to be smug about the new global economy. It is time to stop and think about the impact of globalization on the lives of ordinary people. This is vital if we want to achieve sustainability.

 

Seattle and the World Trade Organization protests last year have forced everyone to think again. For me it is now time to re-evaluate radically what we are doing. For what we are doing in the name of globalization to the poor is brutal and unforgivable. This is especially evident in
India as we witness the unfolding disasters of globalization, especially in food and agriculture.
 

WHO FEEDS THE WORLD? My answer is very different from that given by most people.

It is women and small farmers working with biodiversity who are the primary food providers in the
Third World and, contrary to the dominant assumption, their biodiversity-based small farm systems are more productive than industrial monocultures
.

The rich diversity and sustainable systems of food production have been destroyed in the name of increasing food production. However, with the destruction of diversity, rich sources of nutrition disappear. When measured in terms of nutrition per acre, and from the perspective of biodiversity, the so-called “high yields” of industrial agriculture do not imply more production of food and nutrition.

Yield usually refers to production per unit area of a single crop. Output refers to the total production of diverse crops and products. Planting only one crop in the entire field as a monoculture will, of course, increase its individual yield. Planting multiple crops in a mixture will have low yields of individual crops, but will have high total output of food. Yields have been defined in such a way as to make the food production on small farms, by small farmers, disappear.

This hides the production by millions of women farmers in the Third World — farmers like those in my native Himalaya who fought against logging in the Chipko movement, who in their terraced fields grow Jhangora (barnyard millet), Marsha (amaranth), Tur (pigeon pea), Urad (black gram), Gahat (horse gram), soy bean (glycine max), Bhat (glycine soya), Rayans (rice bean), Swanta (cow pea), Koda (finger millet). From the biodiversity perspective, biodiversity-based productivity is higher than monoculture productivity. I call this blindness to the high productivity of diversity a “Monoculture of the Mind”, which creates monocultures in our fields.

The Mayan peasants in the
Chiapas are characterized as unproductive because they produce only two tons of corn per acre. However, the overall food output is twenty tons per acre when the diversity of their beans and squashes, their vegetables and fruit trees is taken into account.

In Java, small farmers cultivate 607 species in their home gardens.  In sub-saharan
Africa, women cultivate as many as 120 different plants in the spaces left alongside the cash crops, and this is the main source of household food security.

A single home garden in
Thailand has more than 230 species, and African home gardens have more than sixty species of tree. Rural families in the
Congo eat leaves from more than fifty different species of tree.

  A study in eastern
Nigeria found that home gardens occupying only 2% of a household’s farmland accounted for half the farm’s total output. Similarly, home gardens in
Indonesia are estimated to provide more than 20% of household income and 40% of domestic food supplies.
 

Research done by fao has shown that small biodiverse farms can produce thousands of times more food than large, industrial monocultures.

And diversity is the best strategy for preventing drought and desertification.

What the world needs to feed a growing population sustainably is biodiversity intensification, not chemical intensification or genetic engineering. While women and small peasants feed the world through biodiversity, we are repeatedly told that without genetic engineering and globalization of agriculture the world will starve. In spite of all empirical evidence showing that genetic engineering does not produce more food and in fact often leads to a yield decline, it is constantly promoted as the only alternative available for feeding the hungry.

  THAT IS WHY I ASK, who feeds the world? 

This deliberate blindness to diversity, the blindness to nature’s production, production by women, production by
Third World farmers, allows destruction and appropriation to be projected as creation.

Take the case of the much-flaunted “golden rice” or genetically engineered vitamin A rice as a cure for blindness. It is assumed that without genetic engineering we cannot remove vitamin A deficiency. However, nature gives us abundant and diverse sources of vitamin A. If rice were not polished, rice itself would provide vitamin A. If herbicides were not sprayed on our wheat fields, we would have bathua, amaranth, mustard leaves as delicious and nutritious greens.

Women in
Bengal use more than 150 plants as greens. But the myth of creation presents biotechnologists as the creators of vitamin A, negating nature’s diverse gifts and women’s knowledge of how to use this diversity to feed their children and families.

The most efficient means of rendering the destruction of nature, local economies and small autonomous producers is by rendering their production invisible.

Women who produce for their families and communities are treated as “non-productive” and “economically inactive”. The devaluation of women’s work, and of work done in sustainable economies, is the natural outcome of a system constructed by capitalist patriarchy. This is how globalization destroys local economies and the destruction itself is counted as growth.

And women themselves are devalued, because for many women in the rural and indigenous communities their work co-operates with nature’s processes, and is often contradictory to the dominant market-driven “development” and trade policies, and because work that satisfies needs and ensures sustenance is devalued in general. There is less nurturing of life and life support systems.

The devaluation and invisibility of sustainable, regenerative production is most glaring in the area of food. While patriarchal division of labour has assigned women the role of feeding their families and communities, patriarchal economics and patriarchal views of science and technology magically make women’s work in providing food disappear. “Feeding the World” becomes disassociated from the women who actually do it and is projected as dependent on global agribusiness and biotechnology corporations.

Industrialization and genetic engineering of food and globalization of trade in agriculture are recipes for creating hunger, not for feeding the poor.

Everywhere, food production is becoming a negative economy, with farmers spending more buying costly inputs for industrial production than the price they receive for their produce. The consequence is rising debts and epidemics of suicides in both rich and poor countries.

ECONOMIC GLOBALIZATION is leading to a concentration of the seed industry, the increased use of pesticides, and, finally, increased debt. Capital-intensive, corporate-controlled agriculture is being spread into regions where peasants are poor but, until now, have been self-sufficient in food. In the regions where industrial agriculture has been introduced through globalization, higher costs are making it virtually impossible for small farmers to survive.

The globalization of non-sustainable industrial agriculture is evaporating the incomes of
Third World farmers through a combination of devaluation of currencies, increase in costs of production and a collapse in commodity prices.

Farmers everywhere are being paid a fraction of what they received for the same commodity a decade ago. In the us, wheat prices dropped from $5.75 to $2.43, soya bean prices dropped from $8.40 to $4.29, and corn prices dropped from $4.43 to $1.72 a bushel. In
India, from 1999 to 2000, prices for coffee dropped from Rs.60 to Rs.18 per kg and prices of oilseeds declined by more than 30%.

The Canadian National Farmers’
Union put it like this in a report to the senate this year:

“While the farmers growing cereal grains — wheat, oats, corn — earn negative returns and are pushed close to bankruptcy, the companies that make breakfast cereals reap huge profits. In 1998, cereal companies Kellogg’s, Quaker Oats and General Mills enjoyed return on equity rates of 56%, 165% and 222% respectively. While a bushel of corn sold for less than $4, a bushel of corn flakes sold for $133. In 1998, the cereal companies were 186 to 740 times more profitable than the farms. Maybe farmers are making too little because others are taking too much.”

And a World Bank report has admitted that “behind the polarization of domestic consumer prices and world prices is the presence of large trading companies in international commodity markets.”

While farmers earn less, consumers, especially in poor countries, pay more. In
India, food prices have doubled between 1999 and 2000, and consumption of food grains has dropped by 12% in rural areas, increasing the food deprivation of those already malnourished, pushing up mortality rates. Increased economic growth through global commerce is based on pseudo surpluses. More food is being traded while the poor are consuming less. When growth increases poverty, when real production becomes a negative economy, and speculators are defined as “wealth creators”, something has gone wrong with the concepts and categories of wealth and wealth creation. Pushing the real production by nature and people into a negative economy implies that production of real goods and services is declining, creating deeper poverty for the millions who are not part of the dotcom route to instantaneous wealth creation.

WOMEN — AS I HAVE SAID — are the primary food producers and food processors in the world. However, their work in production and processing has now become invisible.

According to the McKinsey corporation, “American food giants recognize that Indian agro-business has lots of room to grow, especially in food processing. India processes a minuscule 1% of the food it grows compared with 70% for the US, Brazil and
Philippines.” It is not that we Indians eat our food raw. Global consultants fail to see the 99% food processing done by women at household level, or by small cottage industry, because it is not controlled by global agribusiness. 99% of
India’s agroprocessing has been intentionally kept at the household level. Now, under the pressure of globalization, things are changing. Pseudo hygiene laws that shut down the food economy based on small-scale local processing under community control are part of the arsenal of global agribusiness for establishing market monopolies through force and coercion, not competition.

In August 1998, small-scale local processing of edible oil was banned in
India through a “packaging order” which made sale of open oil illegal and required all oil to be packed in plastic or aluminium. This shut down tiny “ghanis” or cold-pressed mills. It destroyed the market for our diverse oilseeds — mustard, linseed, sesame, groundnut and coconut.

The take-over of the edible oil industry has affected 10 million livelihoods. The take-over of “atta” or flour by packaged branded flour will cost 100 million livelihoods. These millions are being pushed into new poverty.

The forced use of packaging will increase the environmental burden of millions of tonnes of plastic and aluminium. The globalization of the food system is destroying the diversity of local food cultures and local food economies. A global monoculture is being forced on people by defining everything that is fresh, local and handmade as a health hazard. Human hands are being defined as the worst contaminants, and work for human hands is being outlawed, to be replaced by machines and chemicals bought from global corporations. These are not recipes for feeding the world, but for stealing livelihoods from the poor to create markets for the powerful. People are being perceived as parasites, to be exterminated for the “health” of the global economy. In the process new health and ecological hazards are being forced on
Third World people through dumping genetically engineered foods and other hazardous products.

Recently, because of a wto ruling,
India was forced to remove restrictions on all imports. Among the unrestricted imports are carcases and animal waste parts that create a threat to our culture and introduce public health hazards such as mad cow disease.

The US Center for Disease and Prevention (cds) in
Atlanta has calculated that nearly 81 million cases of food-borne illnesses occur in the us every year. Deaths from food poisoning have more than quadrupled due to deregulation, rising from 2,000 in 1984 to 9,000 in 1994. Most of these infections are caused by factory-farmed meat. The us slaughters 93 million pigs, 37 million cattle, 2 million calves, 6 million horses, goats and sheep and 8 billion chickens and turkeys each year. Now the giant meat industry of the us wants to dump contaminated meat produced through violent and cruel methods on
India.

The waste of the rich is being dumped on the poor. The wealth of the poor is being violently appropriated through new and clever means like patents on biodiversity and indigenous knowledge.

PATENTS AND INTELLECTUAL property rights are supposed to be granted for novel inventions. But patents are being claimed for rice varieties such as the basmati for which theDoon
Valley — where I was born — is famous, or pesticides derived from the neem which our mothers and grandmothers have been using. Rice Tec, a US-based company, has been granted Patent No. 5,663,484 for basmati rice lines and grains.

Basmati, neem, pepper, bitter gourd, turmeric . . . every aspect of the innovation embodied in our indigenous food and medicinal systems is now being pirated and patented. The knowledge of the poor is being converted into the property of global corporations, creating a situation where the poor will have to pay for the seeds and medicines they have evolved and have used to meet their needs for nutrition and health care.

Such false claims to creation are now the global norm, with the Trade Related Intellectual Property Rights Agreement of the wto forcing countries to introduce regimes that allow patenting of life forms and indigenous knowledge.

Instead of recognizing that commercial interests build on nature and on the contribution of other cultures, global law has enshrined the patriarchal myth of creation to create new property rights to life forms just as colonialism used the myth of discovery as the basis of the take-over of the land of others as colonies.

Humans do not create life when they manipulate it. Rice Tec’s claim that it has made “an instant invention of a novel rice line”, or the Roslin Institute’s claim that Ian Wilmut “created” Dolly denies the creativity of nature, the self-organizational capacity of life forms, and the prior innovation of
Third World communities.

Patents and intellectual property rights are supposed to prevent piracy. Instead they are becoming the instruments of pirating the common traditional knowledge from the poor of the
Third World and making it the exclusive “property” of Western scientists and corporations.

When patents are granted for seeds and plants, as in the case of basmati, theft is defined as creation, and saving and sharing seed is defined as theft of intellectual property. Corporations which have broad patents on crops such as cotton, soya bean and mustard are suing farmers for seed-saving and hiring detective agencies to find out if farmers have saved seed or shared it with neighbours.

The recent announcement that Monsanto is giving away the rice genome for free is misleading: Monsanto has not made a commitment to stop patenting rice varieties or other crops.

Sharing and exchange, the basis of our humanity and our ecological survival, have been redefined as a crime. This makes us all poor.

Nature has given us abundance. Women’s indigenous knowledge of biodiversity, agriculture and nutrition has built on that abundance to create more from less, to create growth through sharing. The poor are pushed into deeper poverty by being made to pay for what were their resources and knowledge. Even the rich are poorer because their profits are based on theft and on the use of coercion and violence. This is not wealth creation but plunder.

Sustainability requires the protection of all species and all people and the recognition that diverse species and diverse people play an essential role in maintaining ecosystems and ecological processes. Pollinators are critical to the fertilization and generation of plants. Biodiversity in fields provides vegetables, fodder, medicine and protection to the soil from water and wind erosion.

As humans travel further down the road to non-sustainability, they become intolerant of other species and blind to their vital role in our survival.

In 1992, when Indian farmers destroyed Cargill’s seed plant in
Bellary, Karnataka, as a protest against seed failure, the Cargill Chief Executive stated: “We bring Indian farmers smart technologies which prevent bees from usurping the pollen.” When I was participating in the United Nations Biosafety Negotiations, Monsanto circulated literature to defend its Roundup herbicide-resistant crops on grounds that they prevent “weeds from stealing the sunshine”. But what Monsanto calls weeds are the green fields that provide vitamin A rice and prevent blindness in children and anaemia in women.

A world-view that defines pollination as “theft by bees” and claims that biodiversity “steals” sunshine is a world-view which itself aims at stealing nature’s harvest by replacing open, pollinated varieties with hybrids and sterile seeds, and at destroying biodiverse flora with herbicides such as Monsanto’s Roundup. The threat posed to the Monarch butterfly by genetically engineered bt. crops is just one example of the ecological poverty created by the new biotechnologies. As butterflies and bees disappear, production is undermined. As biodiversity disappears, with it go sources of nutrition and food.

When giant corporations view small peasants and bees as thieves, and through trade rules and new technologies seek the right to exterminate them, humanity has reached a dangerous threshold. The imperative to stamp out the smallest insect, the smallest plant, the smallest peasant comes from a deep fear — the fear of everything that is alive and free. And this deep insecurity and fear is unleashing violence against all people and all species.

The global free-trade economy has become a threat to sustainability. The very survival of the poor and other species is at stake not just as a side effect or as an exception but in a systemic way through a restructuring of our world-view at the most fundamental level. Sustainability, sharing and survival are being economically outlawed in the name of market competitiveness and market efficiency.

We need urgently to bring the planet and people back into the picture. The world can be fed only by feeding all beings that make the world.

In giving food to other beings and species we maintain conditions for our own food security. In feeding the earthworms we feed ourselves. In feeding cows, we feed the soil, and in providing food for the soil, we provide food for humans. This world-view of abundance is based on sharing and on a deep awareness of humans as members of the earth family. This awareness that in impoverishing other beings, we impoverish ourselves and in nourishing other beings, we nourish ourselves is the basis of sustainability.

 

The sustainability challenge for the new millennium is whether global economic man can move out of the world-view based on fear and scarcity, monocultures and monopolies, appropriation and dispossession and shift to a view based on abundance and sharing, diversity and decentralization, and respect and dignity for all beings.

Sustainability demands that we move out of the economic trap that is leaving no space for other species and most humans. Economic globalization has become a war against nature and the poor. But the rules of globalization are not god-given. They can be changed. We must bring this war to an end.

Since
Seattle, a frequently used phrase has been the need for a rule-based system. Globalization is the rule of commerce and it has elevated Wall Street to be the only source of value, and as a result things that should have high worth — nature, culture, the future — are being devalued and destroyed. The rules of globalization are undermining the rules of justice and sustainability, of compassion and sharing. We have to move from market totalitarianism to an earth democracy.

We can survive as a species only if we live by the rules of the biosphere. The biosphere has enough for everyone’s needs if the global economy respects the limits set by sustainability and justice.

As Gandhi reminded us, “The Earth has enough for everyone’s needs, but not for some people’s greed.”

INDONESIA CONTEMPORARY FEMINISM

INDONESIA CONTEMPORARY FEMINISM

ØBy the year1980s enter a “new” perspective to liberating women. Indonesia’s women students and activist learn about liberal feminist ideology mostly from US and UK.

ØState of Indonesia forced by (US) to have women’s empowerment minister. In 1978-1983, there was a first Young State Minister of Women: Lasijah Soetanto.

ØWomen students engage with ‘male stream’ left organization (mostly discussion groups). Women who joined male organization, later on formed a new women organization with feminist as their main perspectives to criticized society and state. One of these was Kalyanamitra. In order to be saved as organization from scrutinized New Order regime, Kalyanamitra chose their operation as women’s information centers.

ØOther women organization formed follow with women issue and use analytical and build organization with feminist ideology.

ØMost of new women’s organization tried to build their organization by self funded and only accepted from small donation (philanthropy) and a bit from outside foreign resources.

ØWomen’s organization were introduced analysis Women in Development

Ø1990s enter ‘so called funding agency” to funded women’s organizations. Those funding agencies from ‘Western’ nations.

ØBy mid 1990s women’s organizations raised their voices and media give them more attention. And word of “Gender” almost became mainstream word. In 1992 women’s activists formed Solidaritas Perempuan, organization focused women’s migrant worker work and poor women, in 1994 LBH APIK (Women Legal Aid Asociation) was formed. And Jurnal Perempuan, a first Indonesia feminist journal that sold to public is formed by lectures of University of Indonesia started published in 1996.

ØEarly 1998 varied women from different organizations worked together hand in hand (held secret meeting and have secret code) to opposed Soeharto’s regime and concerned about high prices foods and milks. Their decision was to have demonstration against Soeharto, it was February 21, 1998. Small number women, approx 20 (who dared!) held a demonstration, these women called them-selves Suara Ibu Peduli. In order not too sound politics. Three women arrested by the police.During their trial, many well-known activists (men/women) came to the court to support them. And there was media frenzy. (see Quite Room in the Movement)

ØMost the women organizations claimed to be with feminist ideology, and tried to build organization with non-hierarchical organization. Somehow until now, there was not yet consensus and acclaimed commitment about what was/is Indonesia Feminist. There was one writer/researcher characterized that Indonesia feminism are: women with religion, not against marriage, and work to together with male counterpart.

My views with Indonesia feminism are: marriage is one of option in life, sexual in the closet (do not share discourse about sexuality openly), claimed as socialist feminism but do not reject middle class-bourgeois privilege, religious person is important and have became ally, practiced liberal lifestyle (consumed) and ignore capitalism of which covered, do not interest with feminist militancy in discourse or actions. @Umi Lasminah

 EARLIER INDONESIA FEMINISM

Long before Indonesia gain her Independence Day from the Netherlands in 1945, women already enter the movement hand in hand with their male counterpart to struggle for Independence nation. When the youth and youth organization started in Hindia Belanda/Dutch Indies such as Jong Java, there was a wing for female students Puteri Indonesia.  We might called this earlier young women to enter politics of organization as the earlier feminism. Most of them were inspired by Kartini’s point of view of independent and equality between male and female.

Eearlier Indonesia feminism (as word feminism is word invented from Western/US/Europe), the earlier women movement inspired by Kartini who have knowledge about women emancipation from reading books, seeing her her neighborhood, and from her penpals in the Netherlands.  One of prominent feminist was Soejatin who was one of the leader in Organizing Committee of first Woman Congress in  22 Desesmbe 1928. In her autobiography she mention Kartini has inspired her, and she was continued to wrote about women’s movement with feminist point of view later on in 1950s.

Women Against the Higher Price Fuels

against poverty

Women Against the Higher Price Fuels

The story of women protest against higher price fuel is untold stories. Along the history of Indonesian nation, women (and men) in line to bought limited fuels, especially kerosene. That was the story of Indonesia worrisome, especially women who lives in rural areas. Women upbringing, were socially raised to care more for other. They worrier about their future, their life and their family on and on when all price is getting higher, while their economic status staged. All cause by the higher price of fuel.

It is women mostly mothers who has to manage survival of their family, without affected much by the industrial and capitalization community. Their practice subsistence perspective, give strength to manage and maintain fulfill the needs with nature give, and reserve them in return. For fuels, many women do not using petroleum and do not use money in their mode of trades. Petroleum is obvious form of industry and money is the other word for industry.

Fuels; firewood, oil, coal, and gas. There are natural resource now, has its greater function in vivacious society. These energy mainly functions are for public purpose and domestic. For human wellbeing meets their needs. Fuels energy for public used for mode mass production in factory, and domestic purpose for every household to cook food in order to get hygiene foods. Energy dominated used function of fuels by male, are drain from earth’s exploitation, oil, coal and gas “petroleum production”. Selling petroleum product is big profit as well as need big capital. An oil company becomes wealthy by exploiting the land and people of countries it explores in.

Women do not share ownership in many oil companies. And the second used energy of fuels are for domestic, mostly manage by women, and it was not always petroleum, it is too firewood. For petroleum product, women are consumer, not producers. They do not own capital, skill, and natural resources for petroleum exploration or exploitation. Women do not have much chance to works offshore and involved to explore and exploit earth for oil. Male domination in public is rigid for mechanic works, especially in Oil Company. But it was women who actually have to deal with oil for daily basis of human lives. Women need fuels for cooking. Now, petroleum is the only fuels provide in urban areas, and kerosene is replacement of firewood.

Not until 1980s most Jakarta’s people using kerosene. There were still many households using firewood. Even my family, and neighborhood up until 1975, at houses for civil servant in South Jakarta were used firewood and kerosene. They were collected unused timber, from home industry of handicraft and furniture, for free.

In many parts of Indonesia, until today still use firewood for household need and home industry. When I was joined field study in 1994 in Waliwis village, Tanggerang district about 70 km from Jakarta, many households and home industry still using firewood. They bought firewood from local merchants. Even back than, there still not have any electricity. Now, less and less people using firewood, though millions families in rural areas are still. They are using firewood as traditional way they know and could afford. It is not by choice. They don’t know any other available fuels. Even though they could afford to buy kerosene, its not always stock in near areas. But still women manage to keep their family life and cooks. How women do that, rarely mention in news. Women embrace habit, genuine way to preserve life, as they were gave birth life. One of them is mode of trade barter, where money is not involved.

Barter as mode of trade has been and practice by women in: Lombok Timur, Lombok Tengah, West Nusa Tenggara; Lamalera in East Nusatenggara: Sukolilo, Pati, and Central Java, in East Java; and many others. Barter is mode of trade in part of Central Lombok, Eastern Lombok and Southern Lombok while in dry season. Goods to trade are mostly clothes and food. This mode of trade has basic relation intra human. They do not need large vehicle and do not use petroleum. These are real complementary and trust system. In Java people whose using barter as mode of trade mostly lives in village where still influenced by Samin movement. That is a disobedient movement against Dutch colonial tax system.

In dry season, people in Kawo village, Panujak village, Batujai, Selonk Blanak (West Nusantenggara) barter pieces rock for corn, rice and clothes. In October to December go out from their village to become labor or they look for rock and stones and sell to other village whose might need stone for build a house.

Most people who do not trade in conventional/modern market are for distance reason. Markets are far away from their place. With very limited transportation they preferred to sale what they have around. During the higher price of fuel, most people in village do not have direct impact. They do not need kerosene, they still using firewood.

While women throughout Indonesia, across class has agreed that petroleum fuels price should not increase, do not knows how to expressed their anxiety and confused. Only few women with awareness, bravely and extra energy put their view in the street with demonstration. But that does not mean women agreed. There were mothers who join demonstration month before new fuels induced by government. That was Suara Ibu Peduli. Though they have thousands of members throughout Jakarta to Bogor, it is difficult to create huge mass of women to protest and sounding their voice. Women have to do what they have to do at home, preparing the needs member of the family. If they join the protest, who will do the work, they do not have helper (maid) in family. And the result look dreary, too many

demonstrations, too many protests, but limited mass.

Anyhow, despite the fact of limited mass and demonstrators, that was the effort showing of disagreement of increasing petroleum price. And in time of democracy process, there were too, has effort of showing of the conformity. There were middle class Indonesia, mostly middle and upper class from academic, jurnalism, or activist background, agreed, so agree, that they even put an advertisement to support policy to increasing petroleum price, in Kompas. They were put their name in name of Freedom Institute, their list name are: Andi Mallarangeng, Anggito Abimanyu, Ayu Utami, Bimo Nugroho, Franz Magnis Soeseno, Lin Che Wei, Dana Iswara, Dino Pati Djalal. The advertisement said “WHY WE SUPPORT DECREASING PETROLEUM SUBSIDED”, with argument prepared by LPEM UI (Lembaga Penelitian Ekonomi Manajemen Universitas Indonesia/Economic Management Research Institute University of Indonesia) “assumption” data on the impact of higher price fuels. One page advertisement in Kompas, is expensive cost for an ad almost 90 millions rupiahs. Strategically printed Saturday (26 February 2005), where many people buy that newspaper for looking of vacancy advertisement. I guess for the first time, it is rather good to have limited women in public, for there were only 4 women out of 36 who put their names in the list. That was at least, showed middle class women do not have to stand the opposite with majority women, lower class women.

22 DESEMBER 1928,PEREMPUAN BERSATU MELAWAN KEKERASAN PEREMPUAN

22desember20062.jpgantipoligami2.jpgGerakan Tolak Poligami 2006, copywright foto Wilmar WitoelarDemonstration against polygamy 1953

Belajar dari Sejarah Pendahulu Gerakan Perempuan

Memperingati HARI IBU ( Hari Gerakan Perempuan) 22 Desember 2006

22 DESEMBER 1928 PEREMPUAN BERSATU MELAWAN KEKERASAN PEREMPUAN

PERINGATAN HARI IBU DIPUTUSKAN PADA KONGRES PEREMPUAN 1938, DALAM ARTI IBU BANGSA, AGAR IBU MENDIDIK PUTRA-PUTRI UNTUK MEMILIKI NILAI-NILAI NASIONALISME DAN KEBANGSAAN

Sejarah Gerakan perempuan Indonesia tak lepas dari gerakan social pada umumnya. Perempuan aktif dalam kegiatan organisasi pemuda organisasi berlatar belakang kedaerahan seperti Jong Java, Jong Sumatra atau Jong Ambon. Perempuan Indonesia juga aktivis pergerakan nasional, meski nama dan kerjanya tidak dicatat sejarah. Faktanya perempuan ikut mendeklarasian Sumpah Pemuda 28 Oktober 1928. Saat itu pada organisasi umum juga divisi perempuan seperti Wanito Tomo dari Boedi Oetomo, Poetri Indonesia dari Poetra Indonesia dan Wanita Taman Siswa dari Taman Siswa. Organisasi perempuan yang berdiri di awal gerakan di antaranya adalah Putri Mardika, 1916.

Perempuan pelopor yang menjadi panitia pelaksana Kongres Perempuan Indonesia I 928 dan ikut dalam deklarasi Sumpah Pemuda 1928 antara lain Soejatin, Nyi Hajar Dewantoro, Sitti Sundari dan lain-lain. Merekalah inisiator dan penggerak Kongres Perempuan Pertama 22 Desember 1928.

Kongres Perempuan Indonesia pertama 1928 adalah Momentum Kesadaran Kolektif Perempuan Indonesia untuk memperjuangkan hak-hak perempuan bersama-sama. Kesadaran mengenai berbagai permasalahan yang hingga kini, tahun 2006 masih relevan: poligami, perdagangan orang, kekerasan, dan buruh perempuan

SEKILAS GERAKAN PEREMPUAN 1928-1935 ISU-ISU DAN UPAYA GERAKAN PEREMPUAN INDONESIA

Kongres Perempuan Pertama 22-25 Desember 1928

Kongres Perempuan Indonesia 1928 bersifat kooperatif. Artinya perjuangan dilakukan dengan menjalin kerja sama dengan pemerintah kolonial. Secara resmi Kongres mengakui pemerintah kolonial, dan mengajukan usulan pada pemerintah. Ini strategi untuk memudahkan penyebarluasan gagasan kepada perempuan dan masyarakat umum, terutama pihak kolonial. Sehingga perempuan kelas menengah atau bangsawan tidak takut bergabung atau ikut serta dengan anggapan tidak radikal. Pemerintah kolonial sendiri masih memiliki nostalgia keberhasilan politik etis (kemajuan pendidikan bangsa bumi putra) pada perempuan. Juga adanya anggapan pemerintah dan masyarakat, mengenai stereotipe kegiatan perempuan dan organisasi perempuan yang bersifat social dan hobby. Organisasi perempuan dianggap tidak-politis. Strategi ini diperkuat dengan keputusan Kongres untuk tidak membicarakan “politik” dalam arti umum. Kongres menekankan pembahasan masalah perempuan sesuai anggapan umum dan pemerintah kolonial, sebagai tidak-politis.

Perempuan dengan berbagai latar belakang suku, agama, kelas, dan ras Berkumpul dan bersatu dalam Kongres yang dilaksanakan di Mataram (Yogyakarta, sekarang pen.). Umumnya yang hadir dalah perempuan muda. Persiapan Kongres dilakukan di Jakarta, dengan susunan panitia: Nn. Soejatin dari Poetri Indonesia sebagai Ketua Pelaksana, Nyi Hajar Dewantara dari Wanita Taman Siswa sebagai Ketua Kongres, dan Ny. Soekonto dari Wanito Tomo sebagai Wakil Ketua.

Kongres dihadiri perwakilan 30 organisasi perempuan dari seluruh Indonesia, di antaranya adalah Putri Indonesia, Wanito Tomo, Wanito Muljo, Wanita Katolik, Aisjiah, Ina Tuni dari Ambon, Jong Islamieten Bond bagian Wanita, Jong Java Meisjeskring, Poetri Boedi Sedjati, Poetri Mardika dan Wanita Taman Siswa.

Berbagai isu utama masalah perempuan dibahas pada rapat terbuka. Topiknya antarea lain: kedudukan perempuan dalam perkawinan; perempuan ditunjuk, dikawin dan diceraikan di luar kemauannya; poligami; dan pendidikan bagi anak perempuan. Pembahasan melahirkan debat dan perbedaan pendapat dari berbagai organisasi perempuan. Walaupun begitu tak menghalangi kenyataan yang diyakini bersama, yaitu perempuan perlu lebih maju. Berdasarkan hasil pembahasan antara lain Kongres memutuskan:

1. mengirimkan mosi kepada pemerintah kolonial untuk menambah sekolah bagi anak perempuan;

2. pemerintah wajib memberikna surat keterangan pada waktu nikah (undang undang perkawinan); dan segeranya

3. memberikan beasiswa bagi siswa perempuan yang memiliki kemampuan belajar tetapi tidak memiliki biaya pendidikan, lembaga itu disebut stuidie fonds;

4. mendirikan suatu lembaga dan mendirikan kursus pemberatasan buta huruf, kursus kesehatan serta mengaktifkan usaha pemberantasan perkawinan kanak-kanak;

Selain putusan di atas, berbagai perkumpulan berdiri atas inisiatif peserta Kongres untuk membela dan melindungi hak perempuan, di antaranya Perkumpulan Pemberantasan Perdagangan Perempuan dan Anak-anak (P4A) untuk didirikan 1929. Pendirian perkumpulan itu disebabkan oleh merajelanya perdagangan anak perempuan.

Kongres-kogres Perempuan Indonesia selanjutnya

Tak jauh berbeda pembahasan berbagai permasalahan perempuan 1928 Kongres Perempuan Selanjutnya tahun 1929, 1930, 1935. Kongres untuk kordinasi selanjutnya bernama Kongres Perikatan Perkumpulan Perempuan Indonesia.

Kongres Perempuan, Jakarta 28-31 Desember 1929

Permasalahan perkawinan khususnya poligami, kawin paksa dan perkawinan anak-anak juga menjadi topik yang dibahas tersendiri. Kongres memutuskan antara lain: meningkatkan nasib dan derajat perempuan Indonesia dengan tidak mengkaitkan diri dengan soal politik dan agama; mengajukan mosi kepada pemerintah untuk menghapuskan pergundikan.

Kongres sempat diwarnai ketegangan dan kepanitiaan hampir kacau karena Kongres hampir dilarang pemerintah. Hal itu terkait dengan situasi saat itu, yaitu Bung Karno ditangkap di Yogyakarta. Kantor dan tempat gedung pertemuan sempat digeledah polisi. Akhirnya Kongres tetap dijinkan dan berlangsung, di Gedung Thamrin di Gang Kenari Jakarta.

Kongres terbuka didukung juga massa rakyat yang memekikan, “yel-yel merdeka!”. Gedung tempat pelaksanaan Kongres menjadi menggelegar. Polisi mengawasi mengancam akan membubarkan. Salah seorang pemimpin sidang menyerahkan kendali situasi kepada Soejatin (Poetri Indonesia), ketua pelaksana Kongres Perempuan Pertama 1928. Sambutan demi sambutan diakhiri dengan pekikan “Merdeka, Sekarang!” Maka ruangan kembali riuh. Ketika polisi akan membubarkan, Soejatin mengetuk palu rapat selesai dan ditutup, rapat selanjutnya dilakukan tertutup.

Kongres menyatakan keprihatinannya dengan penangkapan Sukarno dengan membatalkan rencana akan mengadakan pameran dan malam penutupan.


Kongres Perikatan Perkumpulan Istri Indonesia, Surabaya 13-18 Desember 1930,

Ketua Kongres Ny. Siti Soedari Soedirman. Keputusan Kongres yang sangat relevan dengan kekinian antara lain mendirikan Badan Pemberantasan Perdagangan Perempuan dan Anak-anak (BPPPA) yang diketuai oleh Ny. Sunarjati Sukemi. Terbentuknya BPPPA disebabkan keprihatinan yang mendalam atas nasib yang menimpa anak-anak peremepuan yang terkena praktek JERATAN UTANG Cina Mindering, yaitu petani meminjam uang dengan bunga sangat tinggi dan tidak dapat mengembalikannya, sehingga sering anak gadis petani dijadikan penebus hutang-hutang itu. Kongres juga mengangkat isu buruh perempuan, khususnya nasib buruh pabrik batik di Lasem, dan memberikan penyuluhan peningkatan kesadaran bagi pembatik.

Kongres Perempuan Indonesia, Jakarta 20-24 Juli 1935


Kongres Perempuan Indonesia tahun 1935 diikuti tidak kurang dari 15 organisasi, di antaranya Wanita Katolik Indonesia, Poetri Indonesia, Poetri Boedi Sedjati, Aijsiah, Istri Sedar, Wanita Taman Siswa dsb. Ketua Kongres Ny. Sri Mangunsarkoro. Keputusan Kongres antara lain: Kongres memutuskan: mendirikan Badan Penyelidikan Perburuhan Perempuan yang berfungsi meneliti pekerjaan yang dilakukan perempuan Indonesia; meningkatkan pemberantasan buta huruf; mengadakan hubungan dengan perkumpulan pemuda, khususnya organisasi putri; mendasari perasaan kebangsaan, pekerjaan sosial dan kenetralan pada agama; Perempuan Indonesia berkewajiban berusaha supaya generasi baru sadar akan kewajiban kebangsaan: ia berkewajiban menjadi “Ibu Bangsa”.

Kongres Perempuan Indonesia, Bandung, Juli 1938

Kongres dikuti: Poetri Indonesia, Poetri Boedi Sedjati, Wanito Tomo, Aisjiah, Wanita Katolik dan Wanita Taman Siswa. Ketua Kongres Ny. Emma Puradiredja. Isu dibahas antara lain, partisipasi perempuan dalam politik, khususnya mengenai hak dipilih. Pemerintah kolonial memberikan hak dipilih bagi perempuan untuk Badan Perwakilan. Perempuan yang menjadi anggota Dewan Kota (Gementeraad): Ny. Emma Puradiredja, Ny. Sri Umiyati, Ny. Soenarjo Mangunpuspito dan Ny. Sitti Soendari. Karena perempuan belum mempunyai hak pilih, maka Kongres menuntut perempuan punya hak memilih.

Kongres memutuskan: tanggal 22 Desember diperingati sebagai “Hari Ibu” dengan arti seperti yang dimaksud dalam keputusan Kongres tahun 1935; membangun Komisi Perkawinan untuk merancang peraturan perkawinan yang seadil-adilnya tanpa menyinggung pihak yang beragama Islam.

PERJALANAN GERAKAN PEREMPUAN INDONESIA SUDAH PANJANG. KEKERASAN PEREMPUAN (Perdagangan perempuan,kawin paksa), MASALAH PERKAWINAN DAN POLIGAMI TELAH MENJADI TOPIK YANG TAK HABIS-HABISNYA DIBAHAS SEJAK 1928.


TAHUN 2006, POLIGAMI SEMAKIN MARAK,

APAKAH PEREMPUAN HANYA TINGGAL DIAM?

Daftar Kepustakaan

Hardi, Lasmidjah, ed. 1981. Sumbangsihku Bagi Ibu Pertiwi (Kumpulan Pengalaman dan Pemikiran), Buku I. Jakarta: Yayasan Wanita Pejuang.

Hardi, Lasmidjah, ed. 1985. Sumbangsihku Bagi Ibu Pertiwi (Kumpulan Pengalam dan Pemikiran), Buku V. Jakarta: Yayasan Wanita Pejuang.

Suwondo, Nani, S.H. 1968. Kedudukan Wanita Indonesia dalam Hukum dan Masyarakat. Jakarta: Timun Mas.

Siaran Perwari, Tahun I No.3 Desember 1950

(@Umi Lasmina, 22 Desember 2006)

Women’s Politics Representation in Media

Politic Representation and Media

Gerakan Perempuan Indonesia Tanpa Ideologi

Gerakan Perempuan Indonesia Tanpa Ideologi

Pada Term of Reference Temu Perempuan Nasional antara lain menyebutkan gerakan perempuan Indonesia mengalami kendala yang disebabkan beragamnya ideologi gerakan, saya tidak setuju, karena menurut pengamatan saya tidak ada ideologi dalam gerakan perempuan.

Hasil pengamatan dan pengalaman saya, gerakan Perempuan Indonesia yang selayaknya memiliki ideologi feminisme ternyata tidak berideologi feminisme. Feminisme yang saya amati selama lebih dari sepuluh tahun berkiprah dalam gerakan perempuan sekedar feminisme sebagai cara praktis berkegiatan (seminar, diskusi, pengorganisasian massa atau komunitas), dan bukan bentuk feminisme dalam artian metode strategi gerakan (sosialisme, radikal), tetapi benar-benar metode pelaksanaan kegiatan yang mungkin bagian utama dari strategi feminisme liberal. Feminisme yang tumbuh dalam gerakan sebagai cara praktis dalam seminar, rapat-rapat, diskusi dan mungkin beberapa sudah menerapkan dalam organisasi maupun struktur, tapi belum diadopsi menjadi ideology pribadi (persons politics) yang aktif maupun yang pensiun dari gerakan perempuan. Feminisme dalam konteks ini adalah feminisme gerakan kolektif dan individu yang secara simultan mengimplementasikan (terejawantahkan dalam keseharian) tujuan melawan dan menghapuskan seksime serta secara simultan melawan rasisme, klasisme yang ada (yang antara lain didorong oleh sistem kapitalisme).

Saya berkesimpulan sebagian kegagalan perempuan selama ini adalah karena feminisme belum menjadi ideologi gerakan, apalagi ideologi personal para aktifis perempuannya. Mengapa saya harus membedakan antara ideologi dan cara praktis. Cara-cara feminisme sebagai praktis memang telah diterapkan pada kurikulum pemberdayaan perempuan di berbagai lini komunitas bawah, menengah maupun atas, tapi yang membedakan ideologi Feminisme dengan ideology lain yang ada dimuka bumi ini adalah kata-kata inclusive-exclusive (femin(e)-isme, perempuan. Yang berarti barang siapa perempuan yang mengaku feminis, taruhannya adalah ideology (gerakan) itu sendiri. Tolok ukurnya sangat kasat mata (perempuan/female/wanita/woman) manakala seorang yang memakai cara praktis feminisme belum tentu ia berideologi feminis. Buktinya tapi apakah sebagai ideologi telah diterapkan didokrinasi sehingga menembus dan menetap ke alam bawah sadar aktifis perempuan (laki-laki) saya sangat menyangsikannya. Hal ini terutama karena sepanjang perjalanan sebagai aktifis saya mendapati bahwa feminisme sebagai cara-cara berorganisasi dan berkegiatan belum ‘menjadi’ dan ‘menjati’ pada diri aktifis perempuan yang berkegiatan dan mengunakan metode feminisme tersebut.

Saya tidak akan bermaksud menggunakan berbagai metode gerakan (dan teori) gerakan feminisme seperti sosialis, liberal, radikal, karena sebagai wacana dan teori bentuk2 feminisme ini lahir dan tumbuh di Barat dan yang survived dan menjadi mainstream adalah feminisme liberal.

Saya hanya menggunakan term feminisme sebagai mana yang dikemukakan oleh Bell Hooks, filsuf Afro-Amerika yang gigih (dengan penekanan tambahan gerakan kolektif dan individu ) yang mewacanakan dan mengkampanyekan “Feminisme bagi semua orang), feminisme menurutnya adalah “feminisme adalah gerakan untuk mengakhiri seksisme, seksis eksploitasi, dan penindasan” atau feminism defined as a movement to end sexist oppression enable men and women, girls and boys to participate equally in revolutionary struggle.

Berangkat dari pemahaman tersebut saya melihat betapa gerakan perempuan di Indonesia akhirnya terbelenggu dan tak dapat beranjak dari sekedar menggunakan “cara-cara praktis feminisme’ (cara-cara dan metode berprespektif gender) tetapi tidak menjadi “feminis” yang memegang ideologi feminisme. Hal ini tampak dari ketidak mandirian berbagai organisasi untuk memberdayakan anggotanya, stafnya, bahkan organisasinya sendiri. Organisasi perempuan di Indonesia bergantung dari funding-pendanaan pihak asing (Barat) padahal secara ideologis pihak inilah yang menindas bangsa Indonesia, termasuk perempuannya, dengan kapitalisasi segala bidang kehipuan dalam lingkup globalisasi. Ketergantungan ini juga tampak pada acara Temu Perempuan Nasional ini.

Jadi menurut saya hal yang paling harus krusial dan mengkhawatirkan adalah feminisme tidak menjadi ideologi para aktivis perempuan, yang mengaku aktifis dan bekerja untuk mengadvokasi berbagai hal dan kebijakan dengan cara-cara praktis feminisme. Hal ini tampak dari tidak adanya SISTERHOOD atau solidaritas politik sesama perempuan untuk mengakhiri seksisme. Tidak ada personal is political. Kekuatan ‘feminisme liberal’ yang memberi ruang kebebasan semua bagi pemenuhan seksual perempuan akhirnya tidak memberikan pembebasan yang sejati. Banyak ‘aktifis perempuan’ yang mengadopsi nilai-nilai seksisme (stereotipe perempuan lemah, objek, bergantung pada laki-laki dan lemahnya female bond). Di antaranya adalah mengobjekan dirinya ‘seksualitasnya’ sendiri untuk kepentingan laki-laki (dengan menjadi pasangan laki-laki yang sudah beristri atau sudah memiliki pasangan lain) atau mempraktekan poligami, atau memberi keleluasaan ‘kebebasan seksual’-perempuan bukan sebagai bagian perlawanan tapi justru melanggengkan kebebasan mengobjekkan seksual perempuan bagi laki-laki yang berpoligami. Sementara pasangan perempuan lain (non aktifis) yang pasangannya menjadi pasangan aktifis perempuan tidak mengetahui atau menyadari apalagi mengerti sisterhood. Sisterhood di sini berarti tindakan pribadi perempuan harus dinilai secara politik apakah melanggengkan patriarki atau menguntungkan patriarki. Lagi pula sexual freedom hanya bisa terjadi jika ada sexual justice. Sementara banyak aktifis memanfaatkannya untuk kepentingan pribadi dan seringkali tidak mengindahkan sisterhood perasaan/kepentingan sosial/politik perempuan lain.

Sebagai contoh konkrit adalah aktifis perempuan yang mempraktekan seksual bebas dengan melakukan hubungan seksual dengan laki-laki beristri/punya pacar, padahal istri/perempuan yang menjadi istri/pacar tersebut tidak tahu bahwa pasangannya punya pasangan lain, padahal ia akan keberatan dan sedih, serta tidak mau di poligami, apalagi memegang ideologi atau pandangan kebebasan seksual sama (‘sexual liberation’). Pada konteks ini perempuan tahu bahwa di Indonesia masih belum ada keadilan seksual, tetap saja mempraktekan kebebasan seksual yang belum tentu memiliki effek positif bagi gerakan pembebasan perempuan dari seksisme. Itu baru pilihan personal aktifis perempuan yang bisa berdampak pada keberlanjutan seksisme, aktifis perempuan yang mendukung seksisme.

Hal-hal yang lebih bersifat kolektif membutuhkan kesadaran dan praktek ideologi feminisme aktifis perempuan serta membutuhkan sisterhood action, aksi bersama aktifis perempuan untuk tujuan penghentian seksisme mungkin sudah dilakukan tanpa kesadaran ideologi feminis,melainkan sebagai cara praktis feminisme: advokasi kebijakan yang bersifat patriarkal, mendukung dengan kampanye, pemberdayaan perempuan di tingkat grassroot atau menengah, akan tetapi jarang sekali aktifis perempuan yang dengan kesadaran tinggi (bukan berideologi) memberi dukungan dana atau berkontribusi dalam bentuk material/barang atau tenaga secara sukarela dan spontan (secara pribadi), sehingga apapun akhirnya selalu bergantung pada organisasi (yang kita semua tahu dananya adalah dana dari luar negri/funding). Jadi yang “berideologi Feminisme adalah Organisasi Perempuan bukan aktifis perempuan”. Seperti saat Demo Hari Perempuan 8 Maret 2006 di Bapenas, dana tidak ada dsb. Tampaklah dalam realitas nyata kini, aktifis lama (generasi 1980an, 1990an) yang sudah mapan (bekerja di Funding Agency atau di Kapitalis Institut) tidak turut dalam aksi ini, apalagi menyumbangkan dananya. Hal ini menunjukkan tidak kontinunya dan konsistenya perjuangan aktifis perempuan. Bahwa regerasi diperlukan, tetapi lebih diperlukan lagi dukungan para aktifis perempuan yang sudah ‘mapan’, meninggalkan gerakan perempuan, manakala seksisme belum lagi tumbang sama saja melanggengkan patriarki. Bahwa pilihan pribadi itu bisa dihargai, ada baiknya, demi kelangsungan gerakan dan kepastian hasil di masa depan, perlu ada konsensus bersama dan komitmen bersama. Atau saat saya ikut dalam International Congress on Legal Pluralism Depok, Juni lalu, di mana saya harus membayar dengan dana pinjaman organisasi, meskipun saya menggunakan nama organisasi tersebut. Padahal mungkin jika organisasi KPI telah menjadi organiasi yang mandiri, para anggotanya (lintas kelas, lintas golongan, lintas agama) berkontribusi secara rutin dan telah memiliki program dan strategi pencarian serta penggunaan dana bersama, dan bukan program-program dari Funding, tentunya ada akan ada kemandirian dana bagi hal-hal yang dibutuhkan oleh para anggotanya. Sehingga manakala anggota KPI siapa butuh untuk peningkatan keahlian, atau kursus bisa saja mengajukan support funding dari KPI, tentunya setelah melalui sistem kesepakatan atau kompensasi. Sebut saja dana terebut diambil dari dana Support Donation yang terkumpul dari anggota berkecukupan. Saya juga sangat merasakan betapa sulitnya menjadi mandiri bila sendiri (secara ideologi) seperti saat membuat tabloid CERMIN.

Maka jelas sekali bahwa tanpa ideologi yang menjati, gerakan perempuan di Indonesia akan berjalan di tempat, bergantung pada pihak lain (pendanaan), dan tidak akan ada kontinuitas pribadi. Bila sudah aktifis perempuan sudah hidup mapan, yah sudah, regenerasi pekerjaan. Tanpa komitmen sumbang tenaga (volunteer) aplagi komitmen sumbang dana. Padahal gerakan itu bergerak, continue. Sudah banyak yang paham, bahwa Gerakan Sosial di negara dunia ketiga sengaja dibuat tergantung pada Funding Negara Dunia I yang kapitalistik dan yang membuat Negara Dunia Ketiga Tetap Tak Berdaya, tapi tak ada yang berbuat untuk mengubahnya.

Padahal Indonesia, sebagai negara besar, berpenduduk perempuan banyak dan memiliki landasan ideologi Negara yang secara prinsip bisa sejalan dengan gerakan feminis dapat mulai menanamkan feminisme sebagai ideologi penguat Ideologi Negara (theocracy, sosialist, nasionalist) dan dengan feminisme Tanpa Seksisme.

Pengalaman personal saya dalam berkegiatan memperjuangkan feminisme jelas sekali bahwa aktifis perempuan tak lebih hanyalah para perempuan yang sama dengan perempuan lainnya yang telah terbelenggu ideologi seksisme (pekerja profesional, ibu rumah tangga, dan mayoritas laki-laki) yang tujuan dalam hidupnya adalah mencari kemapanan dan kenyamanan di Dunia yang patriarkal ini (seperti perempuan feminisme liberal di negara kapitalis). Pada akhirnya tak peduli bila bekerja pada agen utama Seksisme di Dunia (negara2 di Amerika Utara dan Eropa Barat), toh yang penting sebagai pribadi hidup aman dan tenteram, persetan dengan perjuangan gerakan perempuan yang mungkin dulu pernah dijalaninya.

Pada konteks Negara Indonesia yang seperti sekarang ini, di mana Rancangan-undang-undang banyak yang merupakan titipan negara Kapitalis untuk keleluasaan Penguasaan Sumber Daya Alam/Tenaga Kerja Indonesa, dengan dibalut investasi dst, Perempuan sesungguhnya masih dapat Menjadi Agen Pertahanan Utama, karena perempuan lah yang menguasai kehidupan keseharian pemenuhan kebutuhan keluarga/masyarakat negara. Bisa dibayangkan apabila lebih dari setengah jumlah penduduk Indonesia memiliki kesadaran sebagai bangsa, dan kesadaran untuk menghentikan seksisme, pastilah Indonesia bukan hanya dapat menjadi negeri mandiri (mengatur, mengekplorasi, mengekploitasi kekayaan alam) secara positif bagi kelangsungan kehidupan ke depan.

Bagaimana caranya membuat feminisme menjadi ideologi yang menjadi pada aktifis perempuan/laki-laki. Dokrinasi yang terus menerus secara positif dengan memberikan teladan (contoh) para aktifis perempuan yang berbuat dan berprilaku tidak patriarkis, memberi contoh-contoh konkrit pilah-pilahan tindakan yang mendukung seksisme dan yang menolak seksisme. Mengapa seksisme perlu dihapuskan. Pada akhirnya semua perempuan dan aktifis menjadi bangga sebagai feminis, karena dengan ideologi feminisme kelangsungan kehidupan manusia ke depan lebih baik (tanpa kekerasan, tanpa penindasan, tanpa kelas, tanpa hirarki yang menindas).

Dengan sisterhood action persaudaraan perempuan tanpa batas yang lahir dari kesadaran ideologis feminisme maka perempuan Indonesia (yang lebih dari seratus juta) bukan tidak mungkin bisa mengubah kondisi sosial yang ada.

Sebagai penggemar sejarah, saya tertarik sekali ikut dalam temu nasional untuk melihat, menyerap dan merekam pertemuan perempuan ini.

Sisterhood is real, you just need to proove it.

Kata Kunci:

Feminisme<<<“feminisme adalah gerakan untuk mengakhiri seksisme, seksis eksploitasi, dan penindasan” atau feminism defined as a movement to end sexist oppression enable men and women, girls and boys to participate equally in revolutionary struggle. Feminisme dalam konteks ini adalah feminisme yang terimplementasi melawan seksime dan secara simultan melawan rasisme, klasisme yang ada (yang antara lain didorong oleh sistem kapitalisme).

Seksisme>>>>ideologi yang nilainya membentuk seksual rangking dan segregasi seksual perempuan lebih rendah dari laki-laki dan mengejawantah dalam kehidupan sehari-hari dalam bentuk stereotipe, labeling, standar ganda dan diskriminasi seksual

Sisterhood<<<solidaritas politik sesama perempuan untuk mengakhiri seksisme dalam segala bentuknya

Pendanaan>>> kontribusi aktifis perempuan, kontribusi funding agency

Komitmen dan Kontinuitas<<<< Komitmen bekerja dalam gerakan perempuan untuk menghentikan seksisme dan terus mensupport gerakan perempuan meski tak lagi bekerja dalam gerakan perempuan

Komitmen>>> tetap teguh dan tegas melaksanakan pilihan ideologis secara terus menerus tanpa henti, di mana saja, kapan saja


INDONESIA’S WOMEN LOCAL CULTURE

INDONESIA’S WOMEN LOCAL CULTURE
PRESERVE NATIONAL IDENTITY

Umi Lasmina, INDONESIAN WOMEN’S COALITION FOR JUSTICE AND DEMOCRACY

Prolog

Indonesia is well known country for its cultural diversity. It is a richness of The Nation. It richness comes from people’s cultures of many tribes of indigenous people and ethnic groups, which inhabitant thousands islands of Indonesia. Those differences had been acknowledge by State slogan Bhineka Tunggal Ika (Diversity in Unity). As number four of populate nation in the world with more than 230 millions people lives in an archipelago of more than 18.000 islands surrounded by seas, bay and many mountains. Its people lives and practicing 5 religions and believers, use more than 250 languages, and have lots and different traditions of different cultures. With women more than half of its population, women assemble Indonesia.
Other than its quantity, women have works silently without any pretentious to shock other power, they preserving culture. Local culture. What I mean of culture in this paper is that manifestation of history of nation/tribe which mirroring in accepting their values, a spectator and values which inline to lives for ideal and spiritual, free from contradiction from time to time.[1] In women life context, I use women as social group Robert K.Merton,”people who have a sense of solidarity by virtue of sharing common values and who have acquired an attendant sense of moral obligation to fulfill role expectation”.[2] In Indonesian women as well men are part of ethnic groups. Its ethnic groups[3] are background for women to preserved and practiced traditional values.
Long before Indonesia Independence Day 1945, the colonial Dutch government acknowledged its pluralism by the colonial legal system that created legal pluralism and operated through racial segregation. Article 75 of the Regerings Reglement 1855 (the de facto Colonial Constitution) divided the population of the Netherlands East Indies into Europeans and Inlanders or non Christians native that include indigenous Indonesians as well as Chinese, Arabs and Indians. This category later was confirmed in article 163 and 131 Indische Staatsregeling of 1925 which defined three racial groups : a. Europeans including the Japanese as honorary Europeans, b. Foreign Orientals : Chinese, Indians and Arabs and Inlanders (natives).[4] Along with modern legal system of colonial, adat (ethnic groups law) existed and operated in territorial basis and kinship in many part of colonial state. And modern term and traditional fact of pluralism continued to exist in after Independence Day, and even adopted one of tradition into State principle.
Indonesia Philosophy is root from the tradition and principle of its native. Its adopted State Ideology, Pancasila: 1. Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa(Believe in God), 2. Kemanusiaan Yang Adil dan Beradab (Humanitarian, Justice and Civilized), 3. Persatuan Indonesia United of Indonesia:Nationalism, Kerakyatan yang Dipimpin Oleh Hikmat Kebijaksaan dalam Permasyawaratan Perwakilan 4. (Democracy of People Representation) and, 5.Keadilan Sosial Bagi Seluruh Rakyat Indonesia (Socialism). And principle of Indonesia pluralism of Bhineka Tunggal Ika is in Indonesia constitution UUD 1945[5], Article 26A. Those values which adopted as highest level in legal system, people of Indonesia has already practiced its valued long since their great-great grandmother. It was gotong royong (communal duties). Gotong royong not only implemented values system it is too, depicted of pluralism. In gotong royong, people in community despite their different background will gather and working together in create something for community. Even Soekarno proposed for alternative choices that Pancasila might compressed to be one philosophy, a Gotong royong, as he speech in 1945 in front of Committee to Investigate Preparations for Indonesia Independence.[6] For radical thought of Indonesia pluralism and political context, Soekarno with DPRGR (Dewan Perwakilan Gotong Royong/ Gotong Royong Parliament) proposed a merging or cooperate between ideologies, a concept of Nasakom (Nasional Agama Komunis) or Nationalism, Religious and Communism.[7] Anyhow, those were merely several examples of valued adoption into state and legal concept in Old Order (1945-1965), there will be some other adoption of gotong royong as regulation or government policy in New Order (1966-1988) as well as in Reformation Era (1999-now).[8] The New Order Governmnet formed of women’s local organization through lowest level of bureaucracy (Village to Provinces and Central Government) in PKK (Pembinaan Kesejahteraan Keluarga)/ Family Welfare Guidance which adopted gotong royong as one of ten program for PKK with a Internal Ministry Decree No.28/1984. Though it look like, a very decent and good policy in increasing women participation to their community as very well written in the text of it Decree. It was clearly that the structure of bureaucracy of wife of the bureaucrats will have positions, has point out that it is a centrally and imposed policy to one organization for women in community. Though PKK adopted pluralism (women from different ethnic groups might joined) in its regular activities, with state only support one organization in community it shows that the stated denied other organization legally. For that matter mostly women in community did not organize themselves as organization. They chose to create guyub, through arisan, or pengajian. These are save activities, non politics, not modern organization (no leader, no structure).
Somehow, any regulation or law produced by state in its concept of implementing pluralism which its also shows in Criminal Code or Marriage Law still unfair for women[9]. And if a wife filed for divorce (especially Moslem), is harder than if it is a husband who filed for divorce. Woman mixed marriage to alien still find difficulty to have her rights upon her children or its nationality. Though Indonesia has already signature and ratify CEDAW (Convention on Elimination against all form of Discrimination) and have its Law No. 4 /1984 to ensure its obligation by its state, women still find it hard to fulfill their rights as a marriage woman. Those were few examples in which the legal system and state principle still do not fully recognized that women’s culture and women’s rights as part of regulation and to be forced as well to be protected.
This paper will describe how women too practiced its values, in general term act for solidarity between women gotong royong and tolong menolong (mutual help). These practiced has been and still done by ethnic groups in many areas in Indonesia, and become informal institutions. These institutions have important implications in field of economics as refereeing to a technique of teamwork[10], but in neither case is it possible to distinguish between individual obligation and group interest (guyub). And with this aura of global culture, could women still could preserve this institution, or how do they manage to react on what is coming into their life? And how does the role of the state within this context, is it actively involve to maintain or ignore?

Beyond Differences Women’s Culture and Global Culture

Woman work is daily work, it part of their live as women, as mother, sister and human being. In maintaining culture, their activities are part of daily basis in preserving their family, their environment and their future generation. These were said and unsaid by women, but we could look right through their activities as it were something with meaning, a great meaning of as part Indonesian women identity and as Nation. Throughout women activities we could almost always seen solidarity as part of their action.
Indonesian women have different culture for each tribe, island and class background. And in its differences there are almost always have similarity. Within this paper I would like to describe a bit about the differences and similarity between women from random big island in Indonesia that could be in Sumatera, Java, Kalimantan, Sulawesi, Nusatenggara, Papua or Bali. Due to limited funding, and time for research, I will only make example from what I find through literature and my personal observation.
The daily activities of women cultures are shown in differences activities in related wedding processes, labor, mourning commemoration of a deceased person, crops production process, financial owner and decision making within family. The similarities are their value for religious fervor, position in traditional board (Lembaga Adat), solidarity and mutual help/assistance or gotong royong, respect with each other, and sharing method of healing for ill.
Gotong royong is usually shown in marriage ceremony, labor (gave birth), death commemoration, beginning cultivating, harvest, or if neighbor of colleague friend hospitalize and traditional ritual in related to religious or ongoing activities as arisan; a social gathering whose member contribute and like to an aggregate some money. Money is not the aim, but communality in essence is act of sisterhood/brotherhood or silaturahmi (good with each other).
Solidarity and respect are shown in almost activities of women. Most women who have to leave the house for work, she could ask her neighbor to look after her children. Respect each other as women regardless their differences of religious, ideology, work status, or even class as shown in women organization. These women’s cultures are still persisted today, while the world has come to global culture. How women still maintain this culture, with this speedy of invasion of global culture, especially by television? Is it still existed as it was, or changed or modified?
Though as claimed by most of feminists that women’s shared same experiences as oppressed, their differences too, could never be deny. Differences are reality between women in the world, as well in Indonesia. It interconnected with global-local condition of social, politics and cultural practices. Among the differences, social class or economic condition is the most apparent. Somehow in Indonesia, though differences in social economic condition might bring impact to women view, attitude, and characteristic individually or collectively, its difference almost never occurred if related certain condition of cultural and tradition. These cultural and tradition are in related with life, death and celebration of togetherness as society. These cultural practices of tradition and custom refer as local culture.
In the meantime, while certain local culture existed, global culture has too been come in speedy with or without invitation. The global culture referred here with global culture product and global cultural process that might influence women lifestyle, and how its lifestyle has an impact in local culture. Global cultural[11] as product of what has been connected with cultural manufacture (by capitalist) by and through its cultural product (food-beverage-clothes, information-technology-television) especially from Western, in which might construct-deconstruct women local culture. Global cultural process of how its process intermingled with social, politics, economic circumstances in national and local level, and how women adapt to it. How those global cultures re-shape a women’s cultural identity. Women’s cultural identity, though Hannerz did not specific mention on women, I agree framework of cultural process which as ‘form of life “…in that involves everyday practicalities of production and reproduction, activities going on work places, domestic settings, neighborhoods and some variety of other places. And its cultural process is that from doing the same things over and over again, and seeing and hearing other doing the same things over and over again”[12].
And for many cultural studies theory identity concept almost always have related with sense of community or territorial, but due to lack of women focus on that studies, I only come with assumption on what occurred on and on in many part of Indonesia. Agree with John Tomlinson, on identity as treasure, what has been practiced by women as collective treasure of local community.[13] Community of women, though related with territorial, it is shift from place of stay to place of works. Sometimes for Arisan, it is practiced between women’s friends.
Women’s collective identity mostly related with territorial (place of birth, raised, stay/living and family), and in family. Women have their kampung halaman (homeland), where they still have their parents, sister or brothers live in.[14] And when it place has been replace to works place, women could created the replacement as a new women’s activities of tolong menolong. Its replacement might be office, or circle of women’s friends. Women might set up arisan or a basket of donation for solidarity action.
Whether its gender role or not, women who have a colleague friend who has been hospitalized or in labor, women mostly took initiative for acting in charge to gain amount of money to buy a present or donation to their colleague (illness or in labor). I could not point out those women’s action as sisterhood, for sisterhood is political solidarity against sexism.[15] Usually in solidarity action men involve too, especially in case of office colleague. Men and women donated, the donation will manage by woman, its act of charity. And it has been practiced over and over the years until now, in many offices and places in Indonesia.
As for arisan and gotong royong, mutual action has been planned in certain community or women in group. Gotong royong or mutual help mostly show collective activity of creating something, be it’s action to build a mosque, a bridge, or cleansing the environment, or a set of food and beverage for celebration , commemorating deceased person. The later two are exclusively involve women activities.
From time to time gotong royong between women neighbors of community in all over Indonesia (especially in rural village) still persisted, it does not change the value of treasuring equal action for each other goodness. I will elaborate these with samples which I took from my experiences, observation, and literature. And how it actions are part of Indonesia identity.

Women, Culture and Global Culture

Information technology: television, hand phone, and internet come and accepted by many women throughout Indonesia, but it doesn’t eroded that women still practicing its value as Indonesian women, regardless their background of ethnic groups or political ideology. It is the actualization respect of social relation among women. Women, regardless their background of ethnic, somehow could mingle with other women from different ethnic with arisan. Its capital are trust. For women with different ideology practicing gotong royong might transcendent to sisterhood in term of solidarity against sexism in politics.
For the later one, I will brought sample from two women organizations: Koalisi Perempuan Indonesia untuk Keadilan dan Demokrasi (Indonesia Women’s Coalition for justice and democracy) and Kaukus Perempuan Politik Indonesia (Indonesia Women’s Political Caucus). As I mentioned they are still practicing gotong royong, tolong menolong and arisan. Those activities are institutionalized as part of social relation among women with or without involving financial matter. As for arisan, global culture and mobilization of people from place to place has been influence to modify its model of contribution. I will give some example of those actions and how it existed identity in time of global culture.
From time to time Indonesia social-cultural activities have tied relation with religious activities. Those collective actions of gotong royong, tolong menolong and arisan are mostly related with traditional-spiritual and religious activities. Gotong royong are undoubtly accepted as Indonesian people characteristic whether it is practice by male or female. Gotong royong never exclusively practice by male or female. It works together. Occasionally women have major contribution in gotong royong activities as in wedding, or labor (to cook and preparing logistic), while male mostly have major contribution in building public facilities. Those differentiated of labor almost never created distinction between male and female to participate in traditional community activities. It is division merely functional. Somehow in other activities in related to decision making for its community women participation still small. It is due to individual participation to represent each family, where male are headed household.[16]
In eastern Java, Malang, women of Candirenggo, Singosari district have local custom arisan and mutual assistance. Arisan is a monthly or biweekly activity of many women and men. Women activities in pengajian (reading Qur’an) will include arisan. It is a weekly arisan, its members more than 40 women. Information method on when and place to be held in each week, is decided on the day of arisan. In this village too, commemoration on decease person, will held pengajian where members of community will gather and pray together. Beside praying most women in community will prepared food and beverage for mourning family.
In Sumatera, Java, and Nusatenggara, and many areas in Indonesia, when there is a family going have a wedding celebration, a local tradition is that women in neighbor are going to be participated for preparing food and beverages. It is practiced in Aceh, Java and too Jakarta. For women in Bieren, Aceh, it is a deviation if one family did not asked their neighbor to participate in preparing food and beverage for wedding celebration (if they order catering). In Java, ceremony took many step, one step is set up the committee whom should appoint people from the village in charge of different jobs such as: protocol, food and beverage, art performance of the gamelan music group and the dance, setting up the reception hall complete with decoration. The appointment: master of ceremony; some elder distinguish women to do the siraman (holy bathing) ; who should be witnesses for IJAB; who should deliver the welcome speech during reception; who should be responsible for transportation, communication and security matters etc. The committee and appointee mostly work for voluntarily basis. This is the manifestation of the spirit of Gotong Royong.[17]
My family has been held ceremony four times in our house. It was because my parents have daughters, and usually wedding ceremony took place in a bride house, or a bride family is a host. Though I live in Jakarta, I see that my neighbor come and help with preparing celebration. There are young women/men preparing for decoration, and women-mothers preparing for food and beverage. It was all doing voluntarily. Usually after wedding ceremony over, women who came and help the preparation got a present from my family. It was all do the other way around, when my neighbor have wedding ceremony, my mother come and join to help them. My surround neigborhood are mixed ethnic background. Most of the head of the family, the father are civil servant who came to Jakarta migrate from their homeland in outside Jakarta. And in my community, if there is invitation to come to wedding party, women usually come together to wedding event. I often saw, women of native Jakarta (ethnic Betawi) who will come to wedding party are grouping and took a small bus to the wedding.
Now with the economic crisis, women have to face rapid change of local culture, which influenced by global culture. Within this context of global culture is the change through and by media. And television is the media which has been most influenced for women. Though there is not yet research to measure this influence to women, the percentage of women to watch television program is higher than the other gender.
Nowdays gotong royong interpretation is shifted from just activities, to become one component for democracy, a people’s participation.[18] Somehow in this context participation merely for male, because its only put in local politics (local institution), not relation between family in the community. As for women, in many village or kelurahan, with its
In Desa Soka, Kecamatan Baturiti, District Tabanan, Bali, Moslem and Hindu hand in hand in many activities gotong royong in wedding ceremonial, celebration and building holy place and public facilities. Moslem women cook their food in celebration and interactive involved with Hindu-Balinese.
Gotong royong has many different words as in Bangka Belitung is Sepintu Sedulang, for explain activities of harvest, wedding, and deceased commemoration. In Bali, gotong royong are known with name nguopin which are activities in rice field (cultivation and harvest), activities surround home and family (fixed house, yards, garden, well digger) and in ritual ceremony of decease person, wedding ceremony, and girl’s tradition of cutting teeth. Gotong royong between individu usually base on mutual undertanding that each favor will be pay back with work. In Sipirok North Sumatera, District South Tapanuli, there are women gotong royong to cultivate rice field, which belong to other woman. Other than practicing gotong royong for cultivation, women too has created saving contribution which its member of the group will use sometime when in need[19] Banua Sibohou Simaewali, Kec Bawolato, District.Nias, North Sumatera cultivating gotong royong. Its crops as subsistence system, for themselves and sold.
Arisan is now practicing in different place, different mode. It is now practice by women and men as well. Arisan is more popular for women from lower to upper class. With global culture of consumerism, arisan has been modified. Its modification mostly related with economic condition. For upper class women, its contribution not only money, change with dollar or diamond. For lower class women its contribution might be still some money or other goods in which needed for household. In Gunung Rejo village, District Situbondo, East Java, there are arisan for building house. It was where member of arisan by contributing equipment, tools, cement, wood and everything in circulating period.[20]
In context of global culture which brought media, especially television has been doing great deal in heightening consumerism with advertising product. Women share their interest in certain product which advertised. This new culture of television has not change much of local culture. Women in Java, Sumatera, or other places in Indonesia might like Mac Donald, and like Revlon, but it doesn’t affect much of relation between women in community. Even there are popular television comedy series of Bajaj Bajuri (National Station of Trans Tv) is shown that arisan is to part of women community, and motion picture Arisan (show its activity upper class women. This motion picture Arisan, were depiction of real activities of many women in upper class where dollar is a contribution to each member. What I have seen from local activities of arisan from upper to lower class women is not only different of amount contribution, but communication media which are different. In village women get information about place, time of arisan directly from person who will be host of the event, and in urban/city information spreading via handhpone, email, and direct from the person at the event.

Epilog

Indonesia National Identity is one with National Philosophy. National philosophy which then Pancasila with its five principles is chosen foundation for Indonesia Nation State, now in question and doubt. It was due to global culture and hegemony of capitalism which bring with them liberal individualism. Somehow its individualism is not yet into account as threat. Indonesia Legislative Assembly already amendment it Constitution, and adopted Human Rights as articles. Human Rights within Indonesia context are always related with spirituality and God, as it stated in Constitution and in Human Rights Law No. 39/1999. Long before its Law passed, gotong royong and tolong as collective identity of already well accepted and practiced by Indonesia people. The founder of Indonesia’s state then adopted as one of its principle of state Ideology in Pancasila. Its continuity to adopt its value have shown in many regulations or policy by government. But than again before the government take over to emulate in state policy, there were organization whom took its identity, such as DPRGR (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Gotong Royong) People Representative Assembly Gotong Royong, mass organization MKGR (Musyawarah Keluarga Gotong Royong) later becama party, Kabinet Gotong Royong (Cabinet Gotong Royong, president Megawati2001-2004), and by the time New Order regime has its power to
Individualism is suppressed with spirituality and religious through and by social and cultural activities of community. Because many women engage in daily cultural and social activities in community, unconsciously Indonesia as Nation state is in advantage, identity of Indonesia cultural is preserved.

umilasminah@yahoo.com<>>
Koalisi Perempuan Indonesia untuk Keadilan Demokrasi
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[1] al Sharqawi, Effat Filsafat Kebudayaan Islam, terj. A.Rofi Usmani Badung Pustaka (1986)
[2] Merton., Robert.K., Social Theory and Social Structure., revised edition.New York: Free Press., 1964.,p.299.
[3] Term of ethnic group/golongan within this paper use Koentjaraningrat and Mely G.Tan, as to make differentiated with ‘grouping’, but more to classify ethnic as social category.
[4] Hooker. M.B., Adat Law in Modern Indonesia., Jakarta: Oxford University Press,1978.,p.71.
[5] Undang-undang Dasar 1945, Second Amandement.
[6] Soekarno., “Lahirnya Pantjasila”., dalam Kepada Bangsaku Karya2 Bung Karno 1926-1930-1933,1941,1945,1947 dan 1957, Jakarta: BP Prapantja.,p.405.
[7] Soekarno proposed its concept in the heighten competition of politics of Indonesia where political parties trying to spread out its power in Government against Army. (J.Elise Rocamora., Nasionalisme Mencari Ideology bangkit dan Runtuhnya PNI 1946-1965.,Jakarta:PT Temprint., 1991., p.384-385)
[8] . In Reformation Era Internal Ministry launch Peraturan Menteri Dalam Negeri Nomor 42 Tahun 2005 tentang Pedoman Penyelenggaraan Bulan Bhakti Gotong Royong Masyarakat Tahun 2006
[9] In Marriage Law. 1974., women still considered to have live in stereotype of domestic, and not provider within the family.
[10] Koentjaranigrat., Some Social-anthropological Observation on Gotong Royong Practices in Two Villages of Central Java., Ithaca.1961
[11] The concept Global culture are varied from many theories, my interpretation of it mostly I adopt from U.Hannerz., Scenarios for peripheral cultures., in Culture, Globalization and the World System, edited by., A.D King., State University New York, 1991.and in context of identity, I like to use my interpretation from Douglas Kellner (The Frankfurt School and British Cultural Studies: The Missed Articulation).
[12] Ibid
[13] Tomlinson, John., “Globalization and Cultural Identity”., TGT2eC23.,2003., p.269
[14] Case study of Tooting, London where Asian lives try to reconceptualization of local culture in global scale, by using individualistic methodology. The concept of locality merely studies where people from different places move and settle in new territorial. M.Albrow.,”Travelling beyond local Culture”., Living in Global City: globalization as local process., edited by.J.Eade, Routledge, 1997.
[15] Hooks, Bell., Feminist Theory from margin to center.,Boston: South End Press., 1984., p.43-65
[16] In many parts of Indonesia, local politics are public place and belong to men, while women place are in home (domestic). Traditionally marriage, deceased, labor and cultivating are non- public activities (but family and neigbor), that is why women could be part of it. This segregation still exist.
[17] http://http://www.joglosemar.co.id/wedding/html%20%20access May, 10, 2006
[18] Kamardi., makalah Kelembagaan Adat Masyarakat Desa di Lombok Bagian Utara., sebuah tahapan dalam berotonomi., http://www.fppm.org/ accessed May, 14, 2006
[19] Kompas, Selasa, January, 11, 2005
[20] Kompas, Jumat, 28 October 2005

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